Friday, 12 April 2013


Malema’s case taken off the roll

The contempt of court case against Julius Malema has been taken off the roll on.
The former African National Congress Youth League leader was expected to appear in the Pretoria High Court. Details on why the case was removed from the court roll were not immediately available.
The curators of Malema's estate brought the application against him for allegedly failing to declare his assets.
Cloete Murray from Sechaba Trust and Aviwe Ndyamara from the Tshwane Trust Company were appointed curators of Malema’s estate at the beginning of March.
They were tasked with ensuring Malema declared all his assets following a court order, and despite Malema agreeing to do so, he allegedly did not.
Malema's lawyer Tumi Mokwena previously told the Sunday Independent that her client intended to oppose the contempt of court application.
If found guilty, Malema could face a R500 000 fine, a jail term or a suspended sentence.

 

Monday, 8 April 2013

 
Patrice lumumba"s rise to National Politics
The year 1959 saw the emergence of Patrice Lumumba as the sole truly national figure on the Congo political scene. His persuasive, magnetic personality dominated the Luluabourg congress of April 1959, where all those political formations favoring a unitary form of government for the Congo attempted to establish a common front. Lumumba's growing prestige as well as his comparative radicalism, however, antagonized other MNC leaders, and the outcome was a split in the ranks of the party (July 1959), as a result of which most of the original founders of the party rallied behind Albert Kalonji while Lumumba retained the bulk of the rank and file.
Lumumba was briefly imprisoned in November 1959 on charges of inciting riots in Stanleyville, but he was set free in time to attend the Round Table Conference in Brussels, where his dramatic appearance stole the show from other Congolese leaders. Lumumba's efforts throughout this period were directed more steadfastly than those of any other Congolese politician toward the organization of a nationwide movement. To this effect, he took full advantage of local political situations, of his earlier connections in Stanleyville, and of his own ethnic background, which provided him with an initial foothold in many districts of the Congo. His linguistic abilities - unlike Kasavubu or Moïse Tshombe, Lumumba was an effective speaker in each of the Congo's major vehicular languages as well as in French - also helped his campaigning.
Head of Government
In the May 1960 general elections, Lumumba and his allies won 41 of 137 seats in the National Assembly and held significant positions in four of six provincial governments. As leader of the largest single party (the MNC's nearest competitor had only 15 seats), Lumumba was somewhat reluctantly selected by the Belgians to form a coalition cabinet and became the Congo's first prime minister (and minister of defense) a week before independence, and Kasavubu, leader of the Bakongo, became president of the republic with Lumumba's tacit support.
During his brief incumbency, Lumumba had to face a conjunction of emergencies such as has seldom been met by a newly independent country: the mutiny of the army and the succesion of Katanga and then of Southern kasai, aided and abetted by Belgian interests and the unilateral intervention of Belgian forces. Lumumba turned to the United Nations for support, only to discover that they had no intention of accepting his definition of the Congo's national interest and insisted on opposing the use of force whether by legal or illegal authorities. In desperation, Lumumba asked for Soviet logistical support to mount an offensive against the break away regimes of Southern Kasai and Katanga but was stopped in his tracks when President Kasavubu dismissed him from office on Sept. 5, 1960.
The National Assembly reconfirmed Lumumba in power, but a fraction of the army, led by Col. Mobutu, took power, and Lumumba was confined to de facto house arrest under the protection of Ghanaian troops of the UN force. His political associates had meanwhile withdrawn to Stanleyville to organize a rival government. Lumumba slipped out of the capital and tried to make his way toward Stanleyville, but he was arrested by an army patrol and incarcerated in a military camp at Thysville.


Friday, 5 April 2013



 






A turning point of record proportions is billed to usher Africa from yesteryear ravages to a remastered dispensation of peace, progress and positive growth.
There is a fresh upsurge of optimism that Africa is set to overturn conditions that have short supplied its epic quest for better days and relocate from the backyard of civilisation to a pre-eminent station in international affairs.
The African Dream at High Tide
Impassioned campaigns for a mass crossover to destiny are fermenting across Africa. There is a joint effort among statesmen, media practitioners, authors, academics, artists, pressure groups and clergymen to awaken our continent to the incredible possibilities at its disposal.
It is pertinent from the outset, though, to inquire from the elites and the rank and file of our populace a question that is long overdue: Can we fail to see that the whole discourse is for about a better Africa is old wine in new wineskins?
 Hindsight to the continent’s progress through history, against the base residues of slavery, imperialism and post-colonial impediment conveys a graphic depiction of our people’s determination to press against the manifold array of problems militating against the continent’s pursuit of triumph.
The current flare of optimism is not without precedent. It dates as far as the preliminary phases of the decolonization campaign when Afrocentric proponents of a new era stepped up in arms against the colonial scourge.
These firebrand exponents of widescale reform who flighted sunny forecasts of a glorious dispensation across the threshold of independence. They called time on Africa’s anguish and tribulation, saddled on the continent by long years of slavery, subjugation and servitude.
Great expectations ran viral as Pan-Africanist luminaries such as Kwame Nkrumah, Marcus Garvey, Edmund Blyden, Jomo Kenyatta and Julius Nyerere articulated Africa’s eventual tap into the dream dispensation through the ‘master key’ of self-government.
Patrice Lumumba, that grand partriach of African renaissance signifies this consciousness: “We have long suffered and today we want to breathe the air of freedom. The Creator has given us this share of the earth that goes in the name of the African continent; it belongs to us and we are its only masters. It is our right to make this continent a continent of justice, law and peace.
“We wish to bid farewell to the rule of slvery and bastardization that has so severely wronged us.”
The founding premier of independent Congo, who had a shortlived tenure in office, was survived by his articulate renditions of the African Dream:
“Despite the boundaries that separate us, despite our ethnic differences, we have the same soul plunged day and night night in anguish, the same desire to make this African continent a free and happy continent that has rid itself of unrest and of fear and of any sort of colonialist domination.
“The aspiration of colonized and enslaved people are everywhere the same. The common goal is the liberation of Africa from the colonialist yoke.
Kwame Nkrumah, the foremost exponent of Pan-Africanism and first leader of black Africa had these concerns to register:
“We have too long been victims of foreign domination. For too long we have had no say in the manner our own affairs are run or in deciding our own destinies. Now the times have changed and today we are masters of our own fate.”
Nkrumah pledged to avail his country’s nascent autonomy towards the upgrading of his people’s condition. He outlined the master plan to abolish, poverty, disease and ignorance, setting a standard for all subsequent leaders who were to echo this legendary election promise hook, line and sinker.
“We shall measure our progress by the improvement in the the health of our people; by the number of children in school and by the quality of the education and by the availability of water and electricity in our towns and villages and by the happiness which our people take in being able to manage their own affairs. The welfare of our people is our chief pride and it is by this that my government will ask to be judged.”
Nkrumah affirmed with a note of optimism that : “It is therefore patent that we in Africa have the resources present and potential for creating this kind of society.”
Thus high soared the tide of expectation across the region and all subsequent administrations have sought to espouse it.
Things Fall Apart
Going by this billing, one would expect Africa to be an epitome of positive transformation 70 years after Lumumba. Far from it!
                                        
Africa is yet to shed defrock its dark continent tag, not to mentioned that she has found herself immersed in even greater mess. The ascent to better days has derailed and Africa is gravitating deeper into the miry bog.

Frustrations show up at every turn, and the ‘master key’ of self-government has proved a hoax and multitudes gasping for the air of freedom have come to equate their new leaders with colonial taskmasters. A view has run viral that oppression has merely changed hands from white to black. Charles Mungoshi notes in Walking Still that customs and costumes have changed but the conditions are still the same.

The new stock of leaders has abdicated from confronting generational problems and given in to further problems. The insistence on African solutions for African problems, while bearing the marks of an enlighten cause has not yielded anything tangible.

Sourcing help from offshore resorts has also proved a compromised recourse as the relations entered are slanted to Africa’s disadvantage and fraught with double standards. As long as Africa remains stuck at the base of the geopolitical pyramid she is not likely to register a significant presence on the global scene.

Ariston Chambati, Zimbabwe’s late finance minister recounted an exchange he had with Henry Kissinger on the sidelines of a United Nations Summit. The latter had presented a report outlining the dynamics of world economies – except Africa. Chambati was offended and confronted Kissinger over the matter. Kissinger declined to respond and simply answered: “I rest my case.”

culled from mschavar.wordpress.com